US President Barack Obama is greeted during his official visit to Vietnam in May 2016 by President Tran Dai Quang. Photos: CNS
irishcatholic | Jun 02, 2016
The release of a celebrated priest means little, writes Paul Keenan
How long will Fr Thaddeus Nguyen Van Ly remain free? The question, intentionally brimming with cynicism, is nonetheless validly posed in these first days since the release of the Vietnamese priest. For many years a leading figure in human rights advocacy in his native country, Fr Thaddeus has suffered as much if not more than most in daring to challenge the will of the communist authorities in Hanoi.
First arrested in 1977, just two years after the communist north overran all Vietnam to create its People’s Republic, Fr Thaddeus has, for an unwavering activism on behalf of his fellow Vietnamese (as well as fighting the appropriations of Church lands) spent periods of imprisonment totaling 20 years in addition to 15 years of house arrest.
The latest term behind bars – an eight-year sentence for anti-government activities – was ended on May 19 as international attention turned to Vietnam in expectation of the visit by US President Barack Obama on May 22.
The release was widely seen as an act of quiet statecraft in appeasing critics of the visit, for whom Vietnam, despite a new-found openness, has not moved fast enough on human rights to yet benefit from lucrative trade agreements forged with freer nations, let alone to host a visit by the leader of the free world. Indeed, the release of Fr Thaddeus, for all of the attention it garnered, came barely a month before the priest’s full sentence was served in full, making a grand gesture quickly appear as one grudgingly made.
Diplomatic ties
Viewed in this light, the cleric’s release undermines the feel-good factor of 2015 when Vatican representatives visited Vietnam on a number of occasions to bring the two entities ever closer to diplomatic ties. More broadly, freedom for Fr Thaddeus becomes the very essence of window-dressing for necessary political moves being made by both Vietnam and America in the face of new considerations for them in South-East Asia.
Since the earliest years of the 21st Century, observers of geopolitics around the western Pacific rim have used the term ‘the pivot’ as the chosen phraseology in summing up the changed state of play there.
Where America had ruled the Pacific waves since World War II through strategic outposts, the rapid emergence of China into the international arena has resulted in a pivoting of strategic concerns.
Despite initial insistences from some quarters that China would, as history suggested, keep to itself and not become involved in external affairs, America has watched aghast as the Middle Kingdom has increasingly flexed its muscles on disputed islands lying between it and its neighbours, and begun massive construction projects to reclaim low-lying atolls for its own growing interests in the South China Sea. And it is not just America feeling the measure of discomfort. Across the region, nation states have begun to pay far more serious attention to China in its spreading aspirations.
Vietnam is among them. Existing geographically and figuratively with a giant neighbour looming over it, the communist state is no less wary of developments, despite the ideology it shares with the powers in Beijing.
Therefore, realpolitik and pragmatism have intruded on an old rivalry and forced US President Barack Obama to reach out the hand of friendship to old foes in Hanoi.
The new solidarity includes an ending of the arms embargo imposed on Vietnam at the start of America’s war there – and builds on the easing of restrictions against weapons technology for maritime defence in 2014 when a Chinese oil-drilling rig moved too close to Vietnamese shores and resulted in clashes between vessels of both nations.
Unfortunately, any hopes that Vietnam might progress further on issues such as freedoms for religion and expression are dealt a blow by such manoeuvrings. Why rush when the rewards are forced by matters elsewhere in the neighbourhood?
The record speaks for itself. A cursory examination of incidents involving Christians in Vietnam is sufficient to illustrate. Taking the month of May in isolation for the sake of ease, the release of Fr Nguyen immediately stands out as a blip as opposed to any hopeful sign of changing policy.
The Christian advocacy group Open Doors reports, for example, that in early May, two Christians were detained by Vietnamese authorities at the border with Laos as they attempted to bring Bibles into the country. Open Doors stated that the pair were subsequently handed over to Laotian police and jailed.
Meanwhile, on May 7, news reports emerged of an attack on a Catholic priest in the Diocese of Bac Ninh, located in the country’s north. Travelling to celebrate Mass at a remote parish, Fr Joseph Nguyen Van The was set upon and badly beaten with a number of implements. The priest is known in Bac Ninh as a champion against the corrupt practices of local officials.
Attack
What is also known is that police attended Fr Joseph’s parish shortly before the attack to enquire when the priest would be travelling. A colleague of Fr Joseph has quite vocally described the violence as “a deliberate attack under the direction of the local government and police”.
Lastly, on May 21, just a day before Mr Obama’s arrival, Catholics in the Diocese of Vinh took to the streets in a show of solidarity with Bishop Paul Nguyen Thai Hop. The prelate, in following a mysterious fish kill which had serious implications for fishing communities in his diocese, had penned a pastoral letter in mid-May when it was confirmed that a factory’s waste-water outlet was responsible.
For his daring to call for government action, state television launched a campaign of vilification against Bishop Paul, one met by the street demonstrations.
Through all of this, it should be pointed out that President Obama did raise the issue of human rights during his visit and called on Vietnam to do far more to ensure basic freedoms such as freedom of speech. Ironically, he used the social media site Facebook as an example of a major company whose very success is based on freedom of speech. Ironic because the network inexplicably collapsed across Vietnam during the days of the visit, as it tends to do when matters of public discourses arise to paint the government in a bad light.
The last time was in April when the network shut down as the Catholic bishops highlighted Vietnam’s record on environmental damage and called for a better response to it.
All things taken together, the opening question should perhaps be rephrased to ask, how long until Fr Thaddeus Nguyen Van Ly is truly free?
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June 3, 2016
Vietnam’s slow and painful pace of change
by Nhan Quyen • [Human Rights]
US President Barack Obama is greeted during his official visit to Vietnam in May 2016 by President Tran Dai Quang. Photos: CNS
irishcatholic | Jun 02, 2016
The release of a celebrated priest means little, writes Paul Keenan
How long will Fr Thaddeus Nguyen Van Ly remain free? The question, intentionally brimming with cynicism, is nonetheless validly posed in these first days since the release of the Vietnamese priest. For many years a leading figure in human rights advocacy in his native country, Fr Thaddeus has suffered as much if not more than most in daring to challenge the will of the communist authorities in Hanoi.
First arrested in 1977, just two years after the communist north overran all Vietnam to create its People’s Republic, Fr Thaddeus has, for an unwavering activism on behalf of his fellow Vietnamese (as well as fighting the appropriations of Church lands) spent periods of imprisonment totaling 20 years in addition to 15 years of house arrest.
The latest term behind bars – an eight-year sentence for anti-government activities – was ended on May 19 as international attention turned to Vietnam in expectation of the visit by US President Barack Obama on May 22.
The release was widely seen as an act of quiet statecraft in appeasing critics of the visit, for whom Vietnam, despite a new-found openness, has not moved fast enough on human rights to yet benefit from lucrative trade agreements forged with freer nations, let alone to host a visit by the leader of the free world. Indeed, the release of Fr Thaddeus, for all of the attention it garnered, came barely a month before the priest’s full sentence was served in full, making a grand gesture quickly appear as one grudgingly made.
Diplomatic ties
Viewed in this light, the cleric’s release undermines the feel-good factor of 2015 when Vatican representatives visited Vietnam on a number of occasions to bring the two entities ever closer to diplomatic ties. More broadly, freedom for Fr Thaddeus becomes the very essence of window-dressing for necessary political moves being made by both Vietnam and America in the face of new considerations for them in South-East Asia.
Since the earliest years of the 21st Century, observers of geopolitics around the western Pacific rim have used the term ‘the pivot’ as the chosen phraseology in summing up the changed state of play there.
Where America had ruled the Pacific waves since World War II through strategic outposts, the rapid emergence of China into the international arena has resulted in a pivoting of strategic concerns.
Despite initial insistences from some quarters that China would, as history suggested, keep to itself and not become involved in external affairs, America has watched aghast as the Middle Kingdom has increasingly flexed its muscles on disputed islands lying between it and its neighbours, and begun massive construction projects to reclaim low-lying atolls for its own growing interests in the South China Sea. And it is not just America feeling the measure of discomfort. Across the region, nation states have begun to pay far more serious attention to China in its spreading aspirations.
Vietnam is among them. Existing geographically and figuratively with a giant neighbour looming over it, the communist state is no less wary of developments, despite the ideology it shares with the powers in Beijing.
Therefore, realpolitik and pragmatism have intruded on an old rivalry and forced US President Barack Obama to reach out the hand of friendship to old foes in Hanoi.
The new solidarity includes an ending of the arms embargo imposed on Vietnam at the start of America’s war there – and builds on the easing of restrictions against weapons technology for maritime defence in 2014 when a Chinese oil-drilling rig moved too close to Vietnamese shores and resulted in clashes between vessels of both nations.
Unfortunately, any hopes that Vietnam might progress further on issues such as freedoms for religion and expression are dealt a blow by such manoeuvrings. Why rush when the rewards are forced by matters elsewhere in the neighbourhood?
The record speaks for itself. A cursory examination of incidents involving Christians in Vietnam is sufficient to illustrate. Taking the month of May in isolation for the sake of ease, the release of Fr Nguyen immediately stands out as a blip as opposed to any hopeful sign of changing policy.
The Christian advocacy group Open Doors reports, for example, that in early May, two Christians were detained by Vietnamese authorities at the border with Laos as they attempted to bring Bibles into the country. Open Doors stated that the pair were subsequently handed over to Laotian police and jailed.
Meanwhile, on May 7, news reports emerged of an attack on a Catholic priest in the Diocese of Bac Ninh, located in the country’s north. Travelling to celebrate Mass at a remote parish, Fr Joseph Nguyen Van The was set upon and badly beaten with a number of implements. The priest is known in Bac Ninh as a champion against the corrupt practices of local officials.
Attack
What is also known is that police attended Fr Joseph’s parish shortly before the attack to enquire when the priest would be travelling. A colleague of Fr Joseph has quite vocally described the violence as “a deliberate attack under the direction of the local government and police”.
Lastly, on May 21, just a day before Mr Obama’s arrival, Catholics in the Diocese of Vinh took to the streets in a show of solidarity with Bishop Paul Nguyen Thai Hop. The prelate, in following a mysterious fish kill which had serious implications for fishing communities in his diocese, had penned a pastoral letter in mid-May when it was confirmed that a factory’s waste-water outlet was responsible.
For his daring to call for government action, state television launched a campaign of vilification against Bishop Paul, one met by the street demonstrations.
Through all of this, it should be pointed out that President Obama did raise the issue of human rights during his visit and called on Vietnam to do far more to ensure basic freedoms such as freedom of speech. Ironically, he used the social media site Facebook as an example of a major company whose very success is based on freedom of speech. Ironic because the network inexplicably collapsed across Vietnam during the days of the visit, as it tends to do when matters of public discourses arise to paint the government in a bad light.
The last time was in April when the network shut down as the Catholic bishops highlighted Vietnam’s record on environmental damage and called for a better response to it.
All things taken together, the opening question should perhaps be rephrased to ask, how long until Fr Thaddeus Nguyen Van Ly is truly free?